古斯塔夫·勒庞（Gustav Le Bon 1841.05.07－1931.12.13），法法国著名社会心理学家、社会学家，群体心理学的创始人。他写下一系列社会心理学著作，以本书最著名，被翻译成近20种语言，至今仍在学术界有广泛影响。
目錄：
中文版目录
民主直通独裁的心理机制—— 代译序 冯克利/1
勒庞《乌合之众》的得与失 〔美〕罗伯特·墨顿/29
作者前言/61
导言：群体的时代/65
第一卷 群体心理/1
第一章 群体的一般特征/3
第二章 群体的感情和道德观/15
第三章 群体的观念、推理和想象力/37
第四章 群体信仰所采取的宗教形式/49
第二卷 群体的意见与信念/57
第一章 群体的意见和信念中的间接因素/59
第二章 群体意见的直接因素/79
第三章 群体领袖及其说服的手法/93
第四章 群体的信念和意见的变化范围/115
第三卷 不同群体的分类及其特点/127
第一章 群体的分类/129
第二章 被称为犯罪群体的群体/135
第三章 刑事案件的陪审团/141
第四章 选民群体/149
第五章 议会/161
英文版目录
The Psychological Mechanisms of the Transition from Democracy to Dictatorship — A Preface by the Translator of Chinese Version Yan Jian/183
The Ambivalences of Le Bon’s The Crowd Robert K. Merton/217
Preface/ 253
Introduction: The Era of Crowds /261
Book I. The Mind of Crowds/273
Chapter I. General Characteristics of Crowds/275
Chapter II. The Sentiments and Morality of Crowds/289
Chapter III. The Ideas，Reasoning Power，and Imagination of Crowds/317
Chapter IV. A Religious Shape Assumed by All the Convictions of Crowds/331
Book II. The Opinions and Beliefs of Crowds/341
Chapter I. Remote Factors of the Opinions and Beliefs of Crowds/343
Chapter II. The Immediate Factors of the Opinions of Crowds/367
Chapter III. The Leaders of Crowds and Their Means of Persuasion/385
Chapter IV. Limitations of the Variability of the Beliefs and Opinions of Crowds/411
Book III. The Classification and Description of the Different Kinds of Crowds/427
Chapter I. The Classification of Crowds/429
Chapter II. Crowds Termed Criminal Crowds/437
Chapter III. Criminal Juries/445
Chapter IV. Electoral Crowds/457
Chapter V. Parliamentary Assemblies/471
译名对照表/495
內容試閱：
The Psychological Mechanisms of the Transition
from Democracy to Dictatorship
A Preface by the Translator of the Chinese version
It’s heard that upright people exist even when crooked officials dominate， but it’s never heard that upright officials exist when they are surrounded by frenetic people.
HanFeizi
What seemed to be love for liberty turns out to be mere hatred of a despot.
Alexis de Tocqueville， The Old Regime and the Revolution
People are bewildered by the voice of utopia. They struggle to enter the gate of the heaven. But when the door behind them is closed， they would suddenly find they are actually in the hell. Such a scenario convinces me that history likes playing jokes.
Milan Kundera， The Joke
Whose role in history is more important， heroes or ordinary people? Although a questionthat the historians have been struggling to respond， it is actually a hard one to answer. There is a Chinese saying “A hero always enjoys a crowd of followers”. Its simplistic connotations hit the targets well and relieve us from the painful dialectical thinking on the aforementioned question. The academic attention devoted respectively to the heroes (or the evil greats) and their follower in history， however， isunbalanced by number. For thousands of years， tremendous amounts of works have been written either to study the heroes or to provide them with suggestions. Before the advent of “mass society”， it is the emperors， generals， ministers and all sorts of powerful figures across the world that steered the history trajectory. The followers of heroes were seldom treated as meaningful subjects for studies. Thingsbegan to changeonly with the advent of the democracy era. In “Democracy as a Life Style”，an unfinished paper concerned with the process of secularization， written just before his death， Karl Mannheim deeply and vividly depicted the silent changes occurring in people’s life attitudes and esthetic tendenciesas a result of the changes of folklore， arts and architecture of late medieval age， which consisted of the determinants of upcoming political democratization process. According to Mannheim， one striking outcome of this process was the gradual erosion of secular monarchies， either based on cult or heredity， bydemands for equal human rights and broader participation. This heralded a big shift in the origin of political legitimacy. Hereditary claims， divine right or “Mandate of the Heaven” were all losing their glamour. On the contrary， any ambitious man for the thrones had to seek the “delegation of power” from the populace. Now， the masses started to dominate the central stage.
1. The Forgotten Gustav Le Bon
However， it turns out that the masses’ central role in enabling social changes doesn’t necessarily bring about positive outcomes as far as its impact on the changes of modern political institutions is concerned. As was proven by the history of both China and other nations， without appropriate constitutional restraints， the democratic power of the masses， like the power wielded by any individual， can easily turn to its flip side and be abused.Starting from Edmund Burke， many thinkers worried about the negative impacts resulting from the hijacked public opinions by plebeianleaders. In this sense， the social psychological works by Gustave Le Bon in the late 19th century， especially his Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (hereinafter， The Crowd)， shouldn’t have been neglected by us.
Who is Le Bon? This Frenchman of geniuswouldn’t be a stranger to the Chinese readers. His The Crowdhas been translated into 17 foreign languages， Chinese included. However， facing strife at home and aggression threat from the west， the Chinesehave long been preoccupied with the task of “preserving the Chinese nation” since the modern era. So， it was collectivist ideologies such as nationalism and socialism that gained currency in China due to their relevance to China’s reality. No surprise that the Anti-collectivism works， like The Crowd， were put aside by the Chinese.
Starting from 1894， Le Bon wrote a series of social psychological works， which were enormous in number and complicated in content. Apart from the aforementioned The Crowd， his other works included The Psychology of Peoples (1894)， The Psychology of Socialism (1898)， The French Revolution and the Psychology of Revolution (1912) as well as The Psychology of the Great War (1916). Among them， however， it turned out that TheCrowd was the most influential one. Since its first publication in 1895， TheCrowd hasbeen reprinted at a rate of less than onceone year and it already had 29 editions by 1921. On several major online bookstores， we can still browse some webpages onThe Crowd as well as some fantastic comments from the readers (the full text of TheCrowd can be downloaded on two websites for free).
George Mead， the founder of social psychology at The University of Chicago， once examined Le Bon’s thoughts in one review article in American Journal of Sociology.Mead wrote， “He belongs to the group of Frenchmen who almost despair of their national and racial civilization， and find in the individualism of the Anglo-Saxon the only healthful and promising force for the future of society.” As was noticed by Mead， Le Bon was a marginalized “Pro-Britain” figure in the chaotic late 19th Century French academia. Hisappreciation for the psychological quality and political institutions of Anglo-Saxon can be easily detected in his works. In terms of comprehensiveness and depth， however， Le Bon’s relevant observation is eclipsed by his countrymen like Montesquieu， Tocqueville and even Hippolyte Taine， the latter was one generation older than Le Bon. So， Le Bon’s affection for Anglo-Saxon is far from enough to explain the peculiarity of his thoughts as well as their enduring influences. His influence must have other sources.
InHandbook of Social Psychology， Gordon W. Allport， a towering figure of social psychology in the United States， gave high credit to Le Bon， saying that “perhaps the most influential book ever written in social psychology is Le Bon’sTheCrowd.” And Robert Merton， in his lengthy preface toThe Crowd， argued that “Opponents could contradict what Le Bon had to say but they could not ignore it-- not， at least， without abandoning an interest in problems of social psychology that were evidently basic. For this is the decisive merit of Le Bon’s book: almost throughout， it exhibits a sense for the significant problem…Le Bon showed that he had that ‘instinct for the jugular’ which is found among the rare species of thinkers who repeatedly identify significant problems for inquiry. Almost without exception， the problems at the focus of Le Bon’s work were destined to become problems of major interest to social psychologists.” In his Capitalism， Socialism， and Democracy，Joseph Schumpeter， a prudent and aloof man， gave special emphasis to the significance of Le Bon’s social psychological study， saying it“was a manifestation of the era”. According to Schumpeter， Le Bon was the first man who elaborated on the fact that “human behavior when under the influence of agglomeration—in particular the sudden disappearance， in a state of excitement， of moral restraints and civilized modes of thinking and feeling， the sudden eruption of primitive impulses， infantilisms and criminal propensities”. In Schumpeter’s words， this “dealt a serious blow to the picture of man’s nature which underlies the classical doctrine of democracy and democratic folklore about revolutions”. These comments are more than words of praise. In fact， if we attempt to look for some psychological explanations on the successor failure ofpopular revolutions in the 20th Century and the catastrophesthey engendered， we can certainly learn a lot from Le Bon.
2 Two Starting points of Le Bon’s Research
It’s not difficult to understand why Le Bon’s study on “the mass mind” has lasting influences on the world: the social context， under which Le Bon proposed his ideas， not only persisted， but also has become the most important aspect of political life in the 20th Century. Le Bon might look like an “amateur” if judged according to nowadays academic criteria， but he hadsome kinds of instinctive insights into this phenomenon.
According to Le Bon， two fundamental factors lay the foundation for the transformation from traditional society to a modern one. The first is the destruction of the religious， political， and social beliefs. The second is the dramatic changes in industrial production as the result of modern scientific andtechnical breakthroughs.With regard to the political life of the west， this transformation ushered in the emergence of “the masses” as a democratic force. Furthermore， in the evolution of western civilization， “emergence of the crowd” was largely a destiny. Le Bon predicted that the future society， no matter what its organizing principle is， must take into account of a new and overwhelming power， i.e. “the power of the crowds”. “While all our ancient beliefs are tottering and disappearing， while the old pillars of society are giving way one by one， the power of the crowds is the only force that nothing menaces， and of which the prestige is continually on the increase.” Based on this observation， Le Bon argued that “The age we are about to enter will in truth be the Era of the Crowds.” According to Le Bon， in terms of profound modification in the ideas of the peoples， the most striking characteristics of “the Era of Crowds” were the spreading of democracy and socialism， which scared Le Bon， a man favoring conservatism and elitism. We will touch on this point again in the rest of this preface.
The second starting point of Le Bon’s study on the popular mind might be unacceptable to the readers of today， but it was an important factor that evoked Le Bon to write numerous books on this subject. Moreover， it is still prematureto say that the factor has been discarded to the dustbin of history. Le Bon argued that the common characteristics with which heredity endows all the individuals of a race constitute the genius of the race.The preoccupation with “race endowments” not only is a prevailingphenomenon in the spiritual life ofWestern Europemore than a century ago， but also left its imprints on many peripheral areas of modernization process. In China， its impacts can be sensibly detected in Mr. Lu Xun’s reflections on “national character” (an analogue of the term “genius of race” by Le Bon) as well as our lingering memory of “survival of the nation”. Emanating from “scientific anthropology” in the 19th Century， racism yielded one of its extreme strands represented by Joseph Arthur de Gobineau， one of Le Bon’s fellow countrymen.Gobineauadvocated “the unity of soul and body”， attempting to find some linkages between anatomic features of human races and their modes of “life of the mind” and then stretch these linkages to explain the differences among races in culture， arts as well as political and social institutions. Under this circumstance， Le Bon was unsurprisingly influenced by racism. He accepted the racist anthropology of Gobineau and others and developed a mystic concept of race， which， in Le Bon’s view， determined the fate of every nation. He contended that “the whole of the common characteristics with which heredity endows the individuals of a race constitute the genius of the race.” So somescholars’criticism of Le Bon as a racist is not a groundless guess.
But to befair， Le Bon’s racism， which provided the bricks for his “popular mind theory”， keeps distance from the biology-obsessed “scientific anthropology”. For Le Bon， race was rather a historical and cultural concept.
In “The Ambivalences of Le Bon’s The Crowd”， Merton argued that Le Bon’s nihilistattitudetothe science of history turned out to be a lucky contradictory feature of his， since in practice he didn’t nullify the role of historical facts. After reading Le Bon’s books， however， we tend to believe that Le Bon’s racist-oriented cultural standpoint， which stimulated his study on thepsychology of the crowds， fits Merton’s observation better. In Psychology of Peoples， his first book on social psychology (published in 1894)， Le Bon went to great lengths to explain why the ideastransferring among different races couldn’t hold their original configuration. For instance， since the British and French had different “genius of a race”， they tended to have different and even conflicting understandings on such ideas like “democracy” and “freedom”.It is the different fates of nations made by the different “genius of a race”， or put it more specifically，it is Le Bon’s strong concerns on the fate of the French nation， that prompted him to construct a general theory of the psychology of crowds.
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